Quebec GDP does not keep pace
with the rest of Canada, while the most productive population is falling. The
most relevant companies and banks left Quebec before the first referendum.
The example of a sovereignist
movement in Quebec, so valued by the Catalan separatists, has a less positive
side: the gradual economic deterioration of the Canadian region. From 1981 to
2006, Quebec GDP grew by 2.3 percent on average, compared with 3 percent in the
rest of Canada. This growth gap, prolonged over three decades, meant that the
increase in wealth rose by 76.6 percent in Quebec, compared to 109.9 percent in
the rest of the country, according to a report by the Economic Montreal.
Right now, the average Canadian
is 6,000 dollars (5,400 euros) richer than its equivalent in Quebec. The most
populous and wealthy provinces (Alberta, Ontario, British Columbia) gaze from
afar at their once prosperous Quebecers, and it is not surprising to see a
change in Quebec's collective consciousness.
In 1976, the independence party
Quebecois Party (PQ) won the elections and placed its leader as prime minister
of the province. There were two referendums of independence: in 1980 and 1995.
The secession lost in both cases, although in the second by a very narrow
margin. Since the very beginning of independence, the Canadian province has
been suffering from a long economic and demographic decline. The first place of
Catalonia at the beginning of the autonomic process in terms of wealth also
belongs to the past.
Those who crave independence tend
to ignore this negative economic impact. It is, however, unquestionable that
the uncertainty of political developments has had clear economic repercussions.
For the time being, there is an effect on financial markets with interest rate
hikes to finance public debt. During the last provincial elections, when it
appeared that the PQ could form a government and call for a third referendum,
provincial bonds soared above those of neighboring Ontario, an expense that
fell a few months after the elections. Uncertainty also affects stocks and
shares of companies. According to experts, the 1995 referendum particularly
affected Quebec-based companies.
Escape from banks and companies
The Spanish bank has warned that
it could leave Catalonia in case of secession. In Quebec it already happened
before the only threat of independence. Following the victory of the PQ in
1976, major Canadian banks moved their headquarters from Montreal, Quebec's
financial center, to Toronto. They never came back. Even the Bank of Montreal has
de facto de facto headquarters in Toronto, and not in the city that gives it
its name, despite being registered there.
Something similar happened with
companies and multinationals. According to a report by the Economic Institute
of Montreal, between 1978 and 1981 (with the announcement of the first
referendum), 30 of the largest Canadian companies left. They literally left
Quebec. However, Toronto, the capital of Ontario, has established itself as the
economic and financial center of Canada. Today it is thought to privatize many
of the companies that remained, being a taboo the branch of hydroelectric
energy. If the privatization of Québec's largest public sector takes place, it
will be interpreted as a serious wake-up call to movements whose aim is to make
Québec a nation-state. This would suggest that Québec's dream of independence
has led to economic mismanagement for years.
The demographic problem
In 1951, Quebec housed 28.9
percent of the Canadian population. The percentage has fallen to 23.6, highlighting
negatively the exodus of young people to other provinces of the country from
which they want to separate. In fact, between 1981 and 2006, the population
under 15 years old fell by 12 percent in Quebec, while growing by 7 in the rest
of the country. The most productive population range (between 16 and 40 years)
barely grew 17 percent in those 25 years, according to the Montreal Institute
of Economics, compared to a 40 percent increase in the rest of Canada.
Since the 1970s, the number of
people who have emigrated exceeds half a million, highlighting, moreover,
population aging, which worsens the debt problem: more pensions and more health
care with fewer contributors.
The two large metropolitan areas,
Toronto and Montreal, had approximately the same number of inhabitants in 1976.
But while the former has more than doubled its number, Montreal has barely
grown 30 percent. It should be remembered that Canada is a country forged in
immigration (10 percent). While it is true that the so-called "ethnic
vote" has diversified and the PQ has immigrants in its ranks, most of them
still feel both Quebecers and Canadians and therefore opposed to secession.
Quebec is the only region with a
Francophone majority (81 percent) and is one of two Canadian provinces with a
predominantly Catholic population. Religion has ceased to play a determining
role in the nationalist dispute. The austerity The financial spiral is serious.
This is the conclusion of the Godbout Montmarquette report of April 2014. An
independent, non-partisan analysis of public finances by economists Luc Godbout
and Claude Montmarquette of the Universities of Sherbrooke and Montreal reveals
that the deficit is more than double Of the PQ, and that it will continue to
grow if significant and necessary reforms are not implemented. Expenditure
increases at an average rate of 5 percent per annum, always above its budget,
ending up increasingly indebted the province. For this reason, the Executive
receives recommendations to contain public spending and optimize the
bureaucratic machinery, with cuts in government offices and also in public
subsidies. It is not surprising, then, that in the rejection of the rupture
with Canada the fears that the overlapping of economies would end the welfare
state, the "doctrine of clarity", the question of the 1995
referendum, confused , Partially motivated the adjusted result. The
"doctrine of clarity" arose precisely to avoid this ambiguity in the
future. Corrected the error of the government by dodging the debate. Something
similar has happened in Spain. The Supreme Court ruled that to legitimize the
negotiation on a secession was necessary to clearly determine the question,
necessary majority and framework of the negotiations. How would these concepts
be defined? The Tribunal left to the political actors their definition, and the
Ottawa Government reacted with a law of clarity to which the Quebec Executive
counterposed its own norm. The doctrine of the Supreme Canadian discards both
the unilateral rupture of a province after a Voting as the central immobility
ignore a clearly expressed democratic mandate. The reason: both lead to a dead
end. Impossible the agreed solution. The Court recognizes the right of the
Government of any province to consult its population and formulate the form of
the question of the referendum. At the same time it affirms the legitimacy of
the role of the federal government. Thus, the clarity of the process serves as
the basis of the pactos.Finally the Canadian institutions have recognized the
differential fact of Quebec. Even with no state of its own, Québec has
democratic guarantees within a federal framework. Differential status After the
referendum in 1995, Québec's distinctive fact was recognized and a new
constitutional arrangement was promised that did not occur, or because it
involved appealing to the Rest of Canada and could not be seen as something
designed exclusively to please Quebec. Functions have been decentralized to
meet some provincial aspirations like those of Quebec. All provinces have the right
to assume the powers currently exercised only by Quebec, and Alberta and
Ontario have expressed their interest in assuming these powers. Yes, there have
been constitutional amendments. In this context, the 1996 Constitutional
Amendment Act stipulates that Parliament must obtain the consent of Quebec,
Ontario, British Columbia, two of the Atlantic provinces comprising at least 50
percent of the region's population, Before proposing a constitutional
amendment, which in turn implies a tacit right of veto. The doctrine that the
Canadian Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, began to elaborate on "opening
federalism" includes respect for the jurisdictional and constitutional
organs of Provinces and their role in the federation, recognition of the existence
of a fiscal imbalance between the center and the provinces, and acceptance of
the principle of a specific international role for Quebec
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